CHAPTER V
SOCIAL
IMPLICATIONS OF SIKHISM
The life story of Guru Nanak, called, the Janamsakhi the
earliest written record we have of the travels and wanderings of the Guru,
records that Guru Nanak summed up the Sikh tenets, for his audience in
the following triple precepts:
kirat karo, wand chhaka, nam Japo
It means, (1) Earn thy livelihood by honest productive labour,
(2) Share the fruits of thy labour, and (3) Practice the Discipline of the Name.
These are rightly regarded as the basic
doctrines of Sikhism.
We
have already explained, in brief, the significance of the Discipline of the
Name and its import for the man of religion. This discipline of the Name, a new
synthesized and integrated Yoga, is to be practiced in the context of socio-political life in which man does not turn his
back on the society and does not renounce the world. The first two precepts,
that of honest productive work and sharing of its fruits with neighbours are to
constitute the foundation of the Sikh society, while the remaining third is to
vitalise and regenerate it.
Sikhism
envisages a time, almost within sight
now, when the heritages of the different historic nations, civilisations,
peoples, and religions will have coalesced into a common heritage of the whole
human family, and Sikhism further declares that neither the natural sciences,
nor philosophical intellectual speculations which integrate the basic concepts
of natural sciences into comprehensive systems, can rescue man from his state
of inherent limitation and suffering and that the religious discipline of the
Name alone can do it.
“Even if a hundred moons arise and a thousand suns shine together,
this light combined cannot dispel the nescience with which man is afflicted and
which the light of God, that is the revealed Light alone can dispel and destroy”. 1
The words, “sun” and “moon”,
have been used in this text in the idiom set by the
Veda, for the Vedas imprint upon Hindu mind is permanent and unmistakable, even on those who
represent a reaction against Vedism. Vedism is not only a religion, it is even more a technique, a technique
of learned theologians and inspired poets, vipra, “the quivering ones”,
and it constitutes also the
mimamsa, the jurisprudence of the yajna, the ritual act. Vedism has also developed a
number of secular disciplines, such as Phonetics, Grammar, Astronomy, and even rudiments of Geometry and Law. Nirghantus is the oldest lexicon in any Indo-European language wherein the words are grouped as series of synonyms.
These synonyms, are so arranged as a rule to indicate secondary metaphysical
acceptations, slesha, constituted and arrived at in accordance with the laws of
occult equivalences. In the Veda, the word employed are multivious,
polysignificant, and that is why the Vedic idiom is described as vakrokti, “crooked”,
and for this reason the nirukta commentary says that, proksa kamahi devah, ‘the gods are in love with the cryptic’.
It is in this sense that the Rigveda declares (X.90.13) that, “the moon took birth in the mind and
the sun in the eyes (of Cosmic Man)”. 2 The
metaphysical correlation and occult equivalence of ‘moon’ and that of the ‘sun’, the percipience,
the facts revealed through perception. In our text the “moon” signifies the
integrating speculations, the speculative cogitations of the mind, that result in
philosophic systems, based on the stuff of the basic concepts and hypotheses of the natural sciences. Likewise, the term “sun”
here means the objective natural sciences, the knowledge of which is derived
through the human
senses.
In the
semetic-Judaic religions, the religion is equated with the ‘law’, reduced into dead letters of utilitarian
ethics. Sikhism emphasises that the ‘ethical law’ the decalogue of
Christianity, the sunna of Islam and the karamkand of Vedism and Smriti injunctions of Brahmanism, is not religion proper, that the core of religion is
the numenon, sacredness in the sense of holiness as a category of value and a slate of mind and a spiritual experience, peculiar to
religion and exclusive to man, but that the ethical law is, in some deep profound
sense, a necessary adjunct of religious life and a penumbra of the religious experience. It, therefore, insists
on these three precepts as necessary ingredients of the life of man who would
practise religion.
To
begin with, therefore, in the society which Sikhism recommends as the pattern
for the global society, every individual must engage himself in honest
productive labour. Parasitism, which is the obverse of exploitation, in any shape or form, is not
only anti-social, but anti-religious also. It follows, also that there shall be no exploitation of man by
man with Capital or spi or spiovery, i.e. the accumulated wealth shall not be employed as the instrument of exploitation and there shall be no priviligentia
based on the white collar and the
gift of the gab. This is a
necessary implication of the precept that religious man must share the fruits
of his labour with his neighbour by renouncing self-aggrandizement.
From this it follows, that Sikhism regards a cooperative society as the only truly religious society.
How is this
Sikh co-operative society
distinguished from the
modern models of a socialist society, a welfare society, and a
communist society?
The basic element which distinguishes a Sikh cooperative society from all these modern social models is grounded in the Sikh view of the worth and status of the individual as the very microcosm of God, and an individual, therefore, must never be imposed
upon, coerced, manipulated or engineered.
“If
thou wouldst seek God, demolish and distort not the heart of any individual” 3
“I worship God to be freed from all adversatives hostile to the light of God
within myself.” 4
Herein
lies that which essentially distinguishes a religious cooperative society as
conceived by Sikhism from the modern societies that are grounded in the doctrines
of socialism, communism and welfarism.
A welfare state is based, primarily, on four precepts, Firstly, it accepts collective
responsibility for providing all individuals with equality of opportunity. This
implies, among other things, availability of adequate educational facilities, universally,
Secondly, a welfare state assumes responsibility for the basic economic
security of those, who are unable, to provide such security for themselves. This implies disabled youth and old age pensions,
wage legislation and un-employment insurance. Thirdly, it assumes responsibility
for reducing permanent disparity in distribution of wealth and bringing about a
closer coincidence between the income of an individual and his contribution to society. In a
welfare society, the policy of taxation and budgetary trends are primarily
determined by this consideration. Fourthly, a welfare society assumes responsibility for promoting
full employment of the available manpower and the full utilisation of the national resources, whether in
the form of man power, or in the form of the material wealth. It will be seen that all these four objectives on which the
concept of a welfare state is based are interdependent and that when one objective is accepted,
the others, logically or otherwise follow. It is implicit in a society which is organised as a welfare
state that, the extent of obligation of the state to provide the individual
with facilities, is also the extent of the power of the state over the freedom
and autonomy of the individual as a social unit. Briefly, slavery is the
necessary price for security, when security is given by an external authority
and is not acquired and maintained, primarily by the individual himself. It is
with this implication of the welfare state that Sikhism finds serious fault.
Sikhism is not antiwelfare. In fact, it
insists that the welfare of an individual mainly consists in the welfare of his
neighbourers. What Sikhism opposes basically and uncompromisingly is, the creation of a class of men beset with
the sins of bureaucracy and arrogance of meritocracy, who in the name of the state and
in the name of the social welfare seize and retain such power which can be and
is, more often than not used to coerce and impose upon the individual. Somebody has well quipped
: ‘I would never fool with the government. By the time they get around to solving
a problem, the guy has either solved
it himself or has died.’ This is the bureaucratic sin of procrastination. The
other sin of overweening tyranny is capsuled in the Punjabi folk-wisdom : ‘never walk to near the hind legs of
a mule or within sight of a bureaucrat’. Again, welfarism is essentially a
project for ‘levelling up’ and ‘levelling up’ is a mode of tyranny. Aristotle
tells us that Periander of Corinth did not confine himself to lopping off the
outstanding and the proud men, he destroyed the twin emotions of pride and
confidence among the people, which process, as a side-effect, ostracises the
honest and the men of integrity. Aristotle also names the three main aims of
tyranny, to keep the subjects humble, to have them distrust each other and to
render them powerless for political action. Thus, welfarism has a built-in
tendency to bring about depravement and demoralisation of an entire people.
Sikhism,
therefore, envisages a social organisation in which the welfare activities of
the State are not a result of coercion and imposition from outside but instead
result and follow from a transformation, possible through genuine religion
only, of the basic attitudes of the individual, which transformation progressively
destroys narrow selfishness in him such as is inconsistent with the welfare of
the society as a whole. Sikhism does not view tolerantly any arrangement or
organisation in which a desire for universal power can raise its head to demand
that which is beyond its scope. Sikhism would support Pascal when he says : “These expressions are false and tyrannical,
‘I am fair, therefore, I must be feared’, ‘I am strong, therefore, I must be
loved’, ‘I am indispensable, therefore, 1 must be retained’. It is for this
reason that Sikhism would not countenance the creation of a welfare state
through the coercive apparatus of the state.
The
basic objection Sikhism has to a Communist society, or to a socialist society
is in principle the same. The ideals of socialism, as a theory are embodied in
the ideas of equality, freedom and fellowship. A socialist state is a state
which translates these moral ideas into the economic life of its citizens, to
man, both, as a consumer and a producer. It is here that the basic disease
arises. To translate these eminently desirable ends into action, coercive
means of necessity have to be devised and the agency for it is the state. State
is merely an abstract term, and not a supra-individual entity as Hegel thought
and taught, which thought has become the corner-stone of the modern socialist
and communist societies. It is when the apparatus of the state comes to fall
into the hands of a class of citizens, who then tend to consolidate themselves
into a permanent and self-perpetuating layer of the society, that those
characteristics of modern socialist societies arise to which Sikhism is
basically opposed. Most of the modern political theories, whether those of
socialism or of welfarism tacitly assume the legitimacy of the concept of state
as a supra-individual entity to which obedience of the individual is due and for which an individual may be sacrificed.
This assumption is the root cause of the tyrannies which are anathema to
Sikhism, for, those who suspect socialism as a bridge to totalitarianism are
not altogether mistaken as the realities of contemporary world show.
Socialists are impressive verbal champions of freedom,
but their actions destroy freedom. With increasing state ownership and control
over the economy, Trotsky’s warning will come true: “Formerly, the rule was
that he who does not work shall not eat, but now the rule is, he who does not
obey shall not eat.”
It is
by no means an altogether modern notion that the state constitutes a power
which is supraindividual and that, therefore, the autonomy ,of the individual can be
subordinated to it, and the individual may himself be sacrificed to it as a
mere means. The ancient notion of the divine right of the kings to rule, is the real seed out
of which the Hegelian concept of the state has grown. Amongst the Hindus, in
particular, and in all Asiatic classical societies, in general, there has
always been a sentiment of uncritical subservience to the authority of the
state. Whatever the doctrine behind this attitude, whether it was that “the King was the human god on
earth”, 5 or whether that the individual person himself was only a
confection, 6 a fleeting amorphous entity, not entitled to any
serious attention, as the Buddhists said, and thus the individual, as such,
could claim no right, it is difficult to believe, in the case of the Hindus,
for instance, that the Muslim conquerors from the Central Asia, with their completely alien culture and small
invading hordes, could have imposed themselves for centuries on the vast Hindu
population without this feeling or un-critical subservience to the state.
Equally, it is impossible, that the Britishers could have maintained themselves
as the rulers of India, for a century and a half, with the aid of a tiny
garrison of foreign troops, if this psychological basis for mass acquiescence
in acceptance of the state authority, had not already existed. It is this
psychological basis which is, and is bound to remain for a long time to come,
the main strength of the present or future ruling parties in India India ,
in one of his Dispatches to the Home authorities in England
“there
is nothing humiliating in our rule, since a paramount
power has been for centuries, a notion so familiar that its existence remains
almost indispensable”.
There
is something in the point which Lord Hastings has made in this observation. The
paramount power, whether British or Muslim, could sustain itself only because
it was able to rely on the continued loyalty and efficiency of an
administrative machine which, mostly must always be manned by the subject and
subjugated Hindus themselves. It appears that from the earliest times, Hindus have tended to regard the
state power as, maibap i.e. ‘mother-and-father’
the pater-familias, because of the organised work that could be done only by the State agency
to secure the water-supply to grow food crops. It must have been obvious and
clear to these ancient settled agricultural communities of the Hindus that, without
the authority of the state, which alone could construct water-dams and dig and
maintain canals, most of them would starve to death. It will be seen, on a
closer reflection, that these are precisely the considerations, which in a welfare state, generate
the psychological atmosphere in which a class of rulers imposes itself upon the
citizens, and the citizens un-critically acquiesce in this imposition as a
necessary pre-condition to the welfare which this class guarantees. This
psychological attitude was, apparently, further reinforced by a high
authoritarian Hindu caste-system and thus, the special Hindu attitude of
subservience to the state authority, as maibap, arose and has become a
near-permanent of the national character. It is not difficult to see that
without this Hindu attitude, whether it arises and is sustained by the considerations
out of which it originally arose amongst them, or whether it is justified by
the modern doctrines and ideas of socialism and welfarism, the modern states
which go under the name of socialist and welfare societies are most difficult,
if not altogether impossible to sustain, on a permanent basis.
Sikhism
is fundamentally inimical to this attitude and it is in this sense that it is
hostile to all the modem socialist organisations in which, for whatever
ideological reasons, a class of people seeks to gain the upper-hand over the
individual to such an extent as to destroy or curtail considerably his inner autonomy
and his worth and status
as an individual. While Sikhism is in sympathy with most of the moral ideas
with which it is sought to justify the ideals of these social theories, and in fact maintains that the
ideal Sikh society shall be broad-based on these ideas, It is out of sympathy with the evolution
and growth of any apparatus which enables a class of men to exploit an
individual, to suppress and subjugate
him in the name of abolishing the exploitation of man by man.
It,
therefore, follows that while Sikhism seeks to establish a social pattern, and
eventually a global Society
in which the socialist moral ideas of individual welfare, equality and freedom
for all without reasonable discrimination, shall have acceptance, it is opposed to any development which, in practice, and in reality, seeks to devalue the individual as a mere cog in a
machine or a mere honey gathering insect in a beehive. It is for this reason, that Sikhism conceives of the
religious evolution of man as a necessary and integral prerequisite and
condition of its march towards the ideal Society.
Socialism
and Communism are not the same or even similar. For, though their slogans are similar or the same,
they are separated by a moral abyss. The immoralism of communism is a basic
postulate which stems out of its view of the ultimate Reality which the
communists regard as the primacy of the matter over the mind. From the
tautology that they do not differ entirely, no conclusion can be insinuated
that they do not differ essentially. Dictatorship
without popular support,
without an independent legal system and without free criticism would seem to be a permanent
feature and not a passing phase of the communist society. Communist society is
basically a military society which accepts an unlimited military commitment
that does not terminate till the end of “the class struggle,” a heritage from
Marx himself. This commitment overrides all other merely “civilian”
institutional safe-guards, and it rests on two fundamental beliefs, one, that
communism embodies the will of the workers and it stands not for what they seem to want now, in the present, for
what they ought to want eventually as conceived by their rulers, and, two, that
nothing ‘fundamentally wrong could occur in the Soviet Union, or the “Socialist
Bloc” because the party of the workers was in power there, guided by an
incorruptible top leadership dedicated to the cause of the golden future.
This
and Sikhism never shall meet.
Likewise,
a democratic stage of modern conception is unacceptable to Sikhism wherein the
citizens are required to relinquish their rights by conferring them upon a ‘general
will’ of a single and indivisible sovereign people. This ‘general will’, in
practice, is only the will of the numerical majority. The omnipotence of the majority is the
practical corollary of democracy, and respect for the rights of minorities
loses all effectual sanction just because the individuals have forfeited all power to insist upon their
rights, by conferring them bodily upon the state. The concentration of an immense power in the hands of an often
fictitious and rigged majority is truly tyrannical. There is, therefore, justification to place
democracy and despotism on the same plane, in many cases.
Again,
where a state-community called, ‘the nation’, does not consist of citizens having a well-accepted uniform
political destination and a common purpose, the Anglo-Saxon, ‘one head, one
single nontransferable vote’ is, verily, the devil’s device to degrade and liquidate a
permanent minority by virtually annulling all genuine representation to such
as the Sikhs are hardly one percent of the non-Sikh citizenry of India. The degradation and demoralisation
which it entails for the Sikhs is worse than slavery and death.
The
current Sikh disquietude and unrest in India is as much due to the realities of
the situation as to the basic Sikh doctrine of the worth and status of the
individual which is not compatible with the implications of a centralised
state and one man, one
vote steam roller democracy, and Sikhism, therefore, repudiates the democratic state of this conception, as an imposition and a tyranny, as
bad and unacceptable a tyranny and imposition as the Mughal rule.
All
political theories and social organisations which proceed from a secular
assumption or are based on ideas that generate institutions capable of
destroying or curtailing the spiritual autonomy of the individual, therefore,
are unacceptable to Sikhism, for, Sikhism perceives the inner contradiction which lies in all such
doctrines and practices. This inner contradiction is that
these doctrines and practices naively assume that human happiness and
prosperity can be
achieved through the transformation of the environmental conditions of man, without contemporaneously touching
upon and transforming the moral and spiritual make-up of the individual. This
is a basic and dangerous fallacy and the dilemma with which the mankind is faced today. The
dilemma of today which faces the mankind is precisely this that, man has
achieved an understanding of and mastery over nature which has out-paced its
understanding of and mastery of himself.
Sikhism
warns against the fallacy out of which this dilemma arises, and it uncompromisingly
opposes all theories and practices which seek to build a fully happy and
prosperous society on a merely secular base.
A
possible misconception about the Sikh notions on the subject must be removed
here. The ideal Sikh society is not a religious or a church-state, or a
theocratic set-up. A religious state is based on the assumption that unity of
religion is more or less necessary in order to secure national unity and
strength and in order to maintain order and social harmony. The terrible life and death
struggle into which the Sikhs were pushed by the Mughal emperors, informed and
guided by the doctrines of the political Islam, resulted precisely from this
assumption of Islamic polity. The wars of religion, and the prolonged periods of bloodshed
which have disfigured the history of Europe
for hundreds of years, are also seen to be the necessary concomitant of this
assumption. The peace of Augsburg Europe , on the principle, cuius regis eius religio, that is, that every subject must
accept the religion of his ruler, precisely the principle which motivated and
sustained emperor Aurangzeb throughout his long and eventful reign. The
sub-conscious traces of this assumption, it would seem, still linger in the India
“the
temple and the mosque and the worship of God as differently made therein are
not fundamentally different”. 7
Sikhism
thus holds that it is the duty of an organised religion, which postulate is an article of
creed in Sikhism, not only to accept and uphold liberty of conscience to all,
but also to defend actively the right to such liberty of those whose conscience
moves them in a seemingly different direction. For achieving agreement and
unity, the Order of the Khalsa
relies upon the methods of enlightenment and persuasion, in place of coercion and brain washing.
For
this exposition of social implications of Sikhism it is clear that, all social
theories and political organisations which result in the subjugation oppression of the spiritual autonomy
of the individual are· unacceptable
to Sikhism, and all overdeveloped and centralised societies and states belong
to this category. The over-developed societies and a centralised state are a
prison in which the Sikh soul withers and against which it is in perpetual revolt. This sense of revolt,
inherent in the Sikh spirit, persistently strives to flower in influential nonconformity,
and influential non-conformity is rarely tolerated by the organs of social
power, though mere crankiness
and intellectual clowning may be so tolerated by liberal states.
The
cultural and spiritual
climate in human societies is decisively conditioned though not wholly generated
by their political structure, and cultural and spiritual decay can be arrested,
in the main, by a shift in the centres of power. From this follows the Sikh purpose and dream of ‘raj karega Khalsa’ which is solemnly affirmed, twice a day, in all Sikh congregational
prayers, throughout the world, wherever the Sikhs as such meet.
These,
broadly, are the social implications of Sikhism, in the context of the modern
political world situation.
1. je sau canda ugave suraj chadhe hajar,
ete chanan hondian gur bin ghor andhar. — Asa
2. candramah manso jatah, caksusurya ajayatah.
3. je tau pia di sikk hia na, thhahi kahida, — Sloku, Farid
4. ar sikh hon apne hi man kau, ihi ialac haun gun tau uccraun, — Dasamgranth
5. mahati devata hyosha nararupena nisrati. — Mahavdharamsastra.
6. vayadhamma samkhara, — Mahaparinirvansutra.
7. dehura masit soi, puja-namaj oee. — Akalustat. 
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